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维基百科,自由的百科全书
2006–2008 Bangladeshi Political Crisis
日期29 October, 2006 – 29 December, 2008
地点
Dhaka, Bangladesh
起因Appointment of Chief Adviser
结果
冲突方
领导人物
Iajuddin Ahmed (2006–07)
Fakhruddin Ahmed (2007–08)

The 2006–2008 Bangladeshi political crisis began as a caretaker government (CTG) assumed power at the end of October 2006 following the end of term of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party administration. The BNP government increased the chief justice's retirement age in an unconstitutional way to bias the appointment of the head of the caretaker government. CTG manages the government during the interim 90-day period and parliamentary elections. Political conflict began with the alleged appointment of a Chief Advisor, a role which devolved to the President, Dr. Iajuddin Ahmed. The interim period was marked from the beginning by violent protests initiated by the Awami League named Logi Boitha Andolan (Boat-hook and Oar Movement), with 40 people killed and hundreds injured in the first month.[1] The Bangladesh Nationalist Party had its own complaints about the process and the opposition.

After extensive negotiations as the CTG tried to bring all the political parties to the table and had an agreement for a scheduled election, on 3 January 2007, the Awami League said that it and the other parties of its Grand Alliance would boycott the general election to be held on 22 January 2007. They complained about the lack of an accurate voters list. More widespread violence and political rioting followed.[1]

The "bitter rivalry" between the Awami League and BNP has affected the nation for the last two decades, although their political positions are not so far apart.[1] The parties are led by women who represent assassinated leaders: Sheikh Hasina, the eldest daughter of father of the nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, since 1981 has been head of the Awami League. Khaleda Zia, the head of the BNP, is the widow of the late president Ziaur Rahman, who as president founded the party in the late 1970s.

On 11 January 2007 the military intervened to support the caretaker government of President Iajuddin, who had already declared a state of emergency. He accepted the resignations of most of his advisors. He also resigned as Chief Advisor, being replaced on 12 January by Fakhruddin Ahmed, who had worked for the World Bank. The government suppressed political activity to try to restore stability. In the spring, it started to work on corruption cases, charging 160 persons, including both party leaders, other politicians, civil servants and businessmen for actions going back to the late 1990s. The nation has had an extreme reputation for corruption under both the major political parties. In addition, some observers speculated that the caretaker government was trying to force both party leaders into exile to stabilise the country and reduce the political polarisation. The CTG also charged Sheikh Hasina with alleged murder for the deaths of four persons during protests in the fall of 2006. The High Court held that Khaleda Zia could not be charged under emergency law for events that happened prior to the emergency, but on appeal in September 2007, the Bangladesh Supreme Court ruled that the Zia trial should proceed. Near the end of 2008, the caretaker government moved to restore democratic government and held elections in December. The Awami League and Grand Alliance won by a two-thirds majority, and formed a government in 2009.










程序

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美国宪法第二条规定,为了担任总统,个人必须是美国的自然出生公民,至少35岁,并且至少已经是美国居民14年。第二十二修正案禁止任何人被选为总统超过两次。主要政党的候选人通过一系列初选来寻求提名,这些初选选出的代表将在党的全国大会上选择候选人。每个党的全国大会选择副总统竞选搭档,以组成该党的竞选团队。总统候选人通常会挑选副总统竞选搭档,随后由党的大会上的代表批准。

11月的总统大选是一种间接选举,选民投票选择一组选举人团的成员;这些选举人随后直接选举总统和副总统。[2]

选举办公室面临着工作量增加和公众审查的压力,因此许多关键州的官员寻求更多资金来雇佣更多人员、提高安全性和扩展培训。这种需求出现在许多选举办公室正因应退休潮和大量的公共记录要求而疲于应对之时,这在一定程度上是由于前总统唐纳德·特朗普在2020年选举中的失利所植入的选举不信任。拜登和特朗普预计将在2024年再次成为总统候选人,这意味着2020年选举的重演,这将是自1956年以来的首次总统选举重演。[3]如果特朗普当选,他将成为第二位赢得非连续任期的总统,加入格罗弗·克利夫兰,后者于1892年做到了这一点。[4]

特朗普是美国历史上第一位被两次弹劾的总统,也是第一位弹劾后再次参选的总统。特朗普首次在2019年由众议院弹劾,理由是滥用职权和阻碍国会,因为他试图迫使乌克兰提供有损乔·拜登的信息,并就俄罗斯干预2016年美国选举提供错误信息,同时扣留军事援助。[5] 特朗普第二次弹劾发生在2021年1月13日,理由是“煽动叛乱”,因他在1月6日美国国会大厦袭击事件中的角色。由于特朗普在两起案件中均被参议院宣告无罪,他没有被禁止在2024年寻求连任总统。[6]

科罗拉多州最高法院,[7] 伊利诺伊州的一个州巡回法院和缅因州的州务卿裁定[8] :由于特朗普在1月6日国会大厦袭击中的角色,根据美国宪法第十四修正案第3条,他无资格担任公职,并因此试图使他无法出现在选票上。[9][8] 然而,在3月4日,美国最高法院一致裁定,各州不能根据第十四修正案第3条确定国家选举的资格。[10]


Restoration regime (1879–1931)

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巴勃罗·伊格莱西亚斯·波塞在1905年马德里的一次示威活动中向工人发表讲话

PSOE由巴勃罗·伊格莱西亚斯于1879年5月2日在马德里市中心太阳门附近的特图安街的拉布拉酒馆成立。[11][12] 伊格莱西亚斯是一名排字工人,曾与国际工人协会的西班牙分部以及保罗·拉法格接触。[12] 这个新政党的第一个纲领在同年7月20日由40人的大会上通过。PSOE及其附属工会——工人总联盟(UGT)的主要增长局限于马德里-比斯开-阿斯图里亚斯三角区域,一直持续到1910年代。[13] 1910年西班牙大选中,伊格莱西亚斯获得国会议席,PSOE候选人在广泛的共和社会主义联盟中出战,这一成就具有极大的象征意义,并使该党在国家层面获得了更多的宣传。[14]

朱利安·贝斯特罗丹尼尔·安圭亚诺、安德烈斯·萨博里特和弗朗西斯科·拉戈·卡瓦列罗于1918年在卡塔赫纳监狱。

埃杜阿多·达托保守政府领导下,PSOE和UGT在1917年西班牙危机的背景下,发挥了罢工的领导作用。由于其对宪法秩序的严重破坏,罢工最终被军队镇压。[15] 组织委员会的成员(朱利安·贝斯特罗、弗朗西斯科·拉戈·卡瓦列罗、丹尼尔·安圭亚诺和安德烈斯·萨博里特)被控煽动叛乱,被判处终身监禁。[16] 他们被送往卡塔赫纳监狱,但在1918年西班牙大选中被选入西班牙国会后一年被释放。在1919至1921年第二国际危机期间,该党内部在支持社会主义国际的成员与倡导加入共产国际的成员之间出现了紧张关系。连续两次分裂的异见者愿意加入共产国际,即1920年的西班牙共产党和1921年的西班牙共产主义工人党,从PSOE中分裂出去,并很快合并成立了西班牙共产党(PCE)。PSOE在1923年至1940年间是劳工和社会主义国际的成员。[17] [18][19]

巴勃罗·伊格莱西亚斯于1925年去世后,朱利安·贝斯特罗接替他成为PSOE和UGT的主席。在1923年至1930年米格尔·普里莫·德里维拉的独裁统治期间,PSOE和UGT中的法团主义派系愿意与该政权进行有限合作,这与普里耶托和费尔南多·德洛斯·里奥斯等其他社会主义者捍卫的政治立场相对立,后者则倡导与共和派力量更紧密的合作。[20] 独裁统治的最后几年,法团主义派系之间的分歧日益显现,这一分歧由弗朗西斯科·拉戈·卡瓦列罗体现出来,他开始支持与资产阶级共和党人的关系;而朱利安·贝斯特罗则继续对他们保持极大的不信任。[21] 贝斯特罗拒绝参与革命委员会,导致他于1931年2月辞去了党和工会主席的职务。他的党主席职务由雷米希奥·卡贝洛接替。[22] [23]

Second Republic and Civil War (1931–1939)

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The PSOE entered the provisional government of the Second Republic in 1931 with Indalecio Prieto, Fernando de los Ríos and Largo Caballero as ministers

After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic on 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of the provisional government, namely Indalecio Prieto (Finance), Fernando de los Ríos (Education) and Francisco Largo Caballero (Labour). The socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of the Social-Azañist Biennium (1931–1933).

After the November 1933 general election which marked a win for the centre-right forces in a climate of increasing polarization and growing unemployment, along with a desire to make amends for the mistake of not having sided with the republicans in the election against the united right, Largo Caballero adopted a revolutionary rhetoric, calling for violent revolution and a transitionary dictatorship of the proletariat.[24][25] Indalecio Prieto had also participated in the increasingly aggressive rhetoric, having already condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 largely anarchist uprising by the government, that has been cheered on by the CEDA leaders on parliament.[26] The Socialist Youth of Spain (JSE) also engaged into a shrilling revolutionary rhetoric while Besteiro firmly opposed the insurrectionary drift of the militancy.[27]

Workers arrested by civil guards and assault guards during the 1934 Asturian revolutionary strike

The formation of a new cabinet that included CEDA ministers in October 1934 was perceived among the left as a reaction,[28] with the CEDA party being indistinguishable from contemporary fascism to most workers[29] while CEDA leader Gil-Robles had advocated the establishment of a corporative state already in the 1933 electoral campaign.[30] The UGT called for a nationwide general strike for 5 October which developed into a full-blown insurrection (the Revolution of 1934) in the mining region of Asturias which was vocally supported by socialists such as Largo Caballero and Prieto. After the end of the revolt, whose repression was entrusted to generals Francisco Franco and Manuel Goded, most PSOE and UGT leaders were jailed.[31]

Francisco Largo Caballero chairing a meeting of the Council of Ministers during wartime

A growing rift between Prieto and Largo Caballero (with disparate views of politics, albeit sharing a general pragmatist approach) formed in 1935 while Besteiro's hold on the party diminished significantly.[32] Followers of Indalecio Prieto would ultimately become "estranged from the party left".[33] The PSOE formed part of the broad left-wing Popular Front electoral coalition that stood for election in the 1936 Spanish general election and achieved a victory in seats over the right.

In September 1936, a few months into the Spanish Civil War (which lasted until 1939), a cabinet presided over by Largo Caballero was formed (he also held the functions of Minister of War). In November, Largo Caballero succeeded in bringing some CNT members into his government. The left socialist caballeristas were revolutionary in rhetoric, although in reality they proposed moderate reformist policies while in government.[33] The May Days of 1937 in Barcelona destabilised the government which was replaced by a new cabinet led by Juan Negrín, another socialist.


西班牙自治右翼联盟

西班牙自治右翼联盟
Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas
领袖José María Gil-Robles
成立4 March 1933
解散19 April 1937
总部马德里, 西班牙
党员
(1933)
700,000 (party's claim)[34]
意识形态保守主义[34]
天主教保守主义[34]
西班牙民族主义
社团主义
政治立场Right-wing to far-right
官方色彩  Blue
党旗
西班牙政治
政党 · 选举

西班牙自治右翼联盟 (西班牙语:Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas,缩写为 CEDA) 是第二西班牙共和国时期的一个西班牙政党。[35] 作为一个天主教保守力量,它是安赫尔·埃雷拉·奥里亚的民族行动的政治继承者,以“确认和保卫基督教文明原则”自居,将这一理论立场转化为对共和国宪法中反天主教条款的政治要求进行修订。CEDA视自己为一个防御性组织,旨在保护宗教宽容、家庭和私有财产权。[36] 何塞·玛丽亚·吉尔-罗布莱斯宣称他的意图是“给西班牙一个真正的统一,一个新的精神,一个极权政治......”,并继续说“民主不是目的,而是达到征服新国家的手段。当时机成熟时,要么议会顺从,要么我们将消除它。”[37] CEDA举行了类似法西斯的集会,称吉尔-罗布莱斯为“Jefe”,这是西班牙卡斯蒂利亚语中与意大利“Duce”相等的称呼,并有时讨论CEDA是否可能领导一场“进军马德里”(类似于意大利法西斯的“罗马进军”)来强行夺取权力。[38]

CEDA声称它在保卫西班牙的天主教会和“基督教文明”不受威权主义社会主义、国家无神论和宗教迫害的侵害。CEDA经常声称,领导第二西班牙共和国的极左政党已经使政治成为马克思主义与反马克思主义的问题。[39] 随着纳粹党在德国上台,CEDA模仿了纳粹的宣传策略,包括类似的强调服从权威、极端民族主义和社会等级。吉尔-罗布莱斯观察了在纽伦堡举行的纳粹党集会,并深受其影响,此后致力于在西班牙创建一个反马克思主义和亲天主教的单一政党。[39]

CEDA主要是实践中的罗马天主教徒、中产阶级和小农家庭的政党。最终,它在1936年的选举中成为西班牙最受欢迎的个别政党。[40]

从1933年到1936年,CEDA未能取得足以让其组成政府的实质性选举成就(尽管其个人选票有所增加)[40],这导致右翼选民流失,转而支持君主主义的西班牙更新党和其领导人何塞·卡尔沃·索特洛。[41]卡尔沃·索特洛1936年遇刺和由所有极左政党与西班牙天主教会相关的死亡小队引发的红色恐怖的愤怒,使得CEDA放弃了温和立场,并支持针对共和国的军事起义,其中包括将其选举基金捐赠给国民派的初期领导人埃米利奥·莫拉将军[42] 随后,许多CEDA青年运动成员——民族行动青年团(JAP)集体投靠了西班牙全国工团主义进攻团或“长枪党”。[42]

参考文献

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Councils of National-Syndicalist Offensive
Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista
领袖Onésimo Redondo
Ramiro Ledesma Ramos
成立10 October 1931
解散4 March 1934
并入Falange Española de las JONS
党报Libertad
青年组织Juventudes del Frente Nacional
Labor wingAgrarian Trade Union Federation
意识形态Fascism
National syndicalism
Spanish nationalism
政治立场Far-right
官方色彩Black and red
口号¡Arriba los valores hispánicos!
¡España Una, Grande y Libre!

Template:Falangism sidebar Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (直译:“Councils of National-Syndicalist Offensive”, JONS) was a nationalist and fascist movement in 1930s Spain. In 1934, it merged with the Falange Española into the Falange Española de las JONS.

History

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JONS was founded on 10 October 1931 as the fusion of the group around La Conquista del Estado (The Conquest of the State) of Ramiro Ledesma Ramos and the Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica (Castilian Councils of Hispanic Action) of Onésimo Redondo. JONS, whose leadership was the Central Executive Triumvirate, began as a small organization, primarily amongst students in Madrid as well as workers and peasants in and around Valladolid. Its followers were called jonsistas.

In 1933, JONS experienced a period of expansion and started publishing a theoretical journal, JONS.

Amongst other endeavors, the organisation engaged in trade union work in Castile. In January 1933, Gutiérrez Palma set up a transport-workers union in Valladolid. Later the same year, JONS founded the Agrarian Trade Union Federation. In six months, it had set up 175 trade unions, which together claimed around 3,000 members. During that year, Onésimo Redondo returned from exile in Portugal and restarted the publication Libertad.

JONS expanded throughout the country. Its main strongholds were in Valencia, Granada, Valladolid, and Santiago de Compostela. It also established nuclei in Zaragoza, Bilbao, Salamanca, and Barcelona. The party started publishing Revolución in Zaragoza, Unidad in Galicia, and Patria Sindicalista in Valencia.

Merger with Falange Española

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At the national council of JONS, held clandestinely in Madrid on 12–13 February 1934, the organization formulated its intention to merge with the Falange Española of José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The merger formed the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, or FE-JONS.

During the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Franco forced a further merger with the very different traditional Carlists to create FET y de las JONS, the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista or Movimiento Nacional ("National Movement"), henceforth the only legal political party in Francoist Spain. The Movimiento was disbanded upon Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s.

Sources

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  • La Organización Sindical Española. Escuela Sindical 1961. 1961. Madrid. pp. 33–34.
















历史

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阿方索·加西亚·瓦尔德卡萨斯鲁伊斯·德·阿尔达普里莫·德里维拉在1933年的创立会议上

长枪党成立于1933年10月29日,是西班牙工团主义运动(Movimiento Español Sindicalista, MES)的继任者,后者也是在1933年早些时候成立的类似组织。创立大会在马德里的喜剧剧院(La Comedia Theatre)举行,由何塞·安东尼奥·普里莫·德里维拉胡里奥·鲁伊斯·德·阿尔达阿方索·加西亚·瓦尔德卡萨斯主持。[43] 在1933年选举不利后的1934年2月,何塞·安东尼奥·普里莫·德里维拉建议长枪党与拉米罗·莱德斯马的全国工团主义进攻团(Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista)合并,该提议于2月15日获得通过。[44] 随后成立了长枪党工团主义进攻团(FE de las JONS)。

长枪党与马克思主义团体的第一次冲突发生在1933年11月5日,当时其激进分子在阿利坎特阿尔莫拉迪的一场足球比赛中与社会主义同情者发生了冲突。[45]







曼努埃尔·赫迪利亚
出生Manuel Hedilla Larrey
(1902-07-18)1902年7月18日
安布罗塞罗,坎塔布里亚西班牙王国
逝世1970年2月4日(1970岁—02—04)(67岁)
西班牙佛朗哥时期, 马德里
职业Mechanic, politician
知名作品Testamento politico de Manuel Hedilla (1972)
政党西班牙长枪党

曼努埃尔·赫迪利亚·拉雷(Manuel Hedilla Larrey, 1902年7月18日 - 1970年2月4日) 是西班牙的政治人物,长枪党的重要成员,也是早期与弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥争夺权力的对手。他早期的职业是机械师。[46]

早年生活

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赫迪利亚出生在坎塔布里亚的一个村庄,他的父亲是一名公务员,赫迪利亚还是个孩子时父亲就去世了。他在毕尔巴鄂的罗马天主教学校接受教育,后来成为一名船厂工人学徒,但由于西班牙航运业的衰落,其被迫面临失业。[47]米格尔·普里莫·德里维拉政府期间,他重新找到了参与公路建设项目的工作,但在政权崩溃后他再次失业。他搬到马德里开设了自己的汽车修理厂,尽管这家企业最终失败了。[48]

参与长枪党

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马德里,赫迪利亚在一个天主教乳品农场合作社担任工程师,并在此期间加入了长枪党的传统主义派别。[49]赫迪利亚是长枪党的创始成员之一,也是何塞·安东尼奥·普里莫·德里维拉的密切同事,后者在西班牙内战初期被公认为所谓“老衬衫”的领导者。[50] 实际上,在普里莫·德里维拉去世后,他曾短暂地名义上成为法兰赫的领导人,直到佛朗哥迅速为自己确立了该运动的完全控制。[51]

与佛朗哥的冲突

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尽管名义上赫迪利亚是桑坦德的长枪党领袖,当北部起义开始时却驻扎在拉科鲁尼亚。因此,他负责维持这座城市的秩序,并对血腥镇压负有责任。尽管如此,赫迪利亚仍属于长枪党的左翼,强调该运动的无产阶级和工团主义特征,他很快就成为了国民军不加选择的暴力行为的批评者。[52] 何塞·安东尼奥·普里莫·德里维拉去世后,赫迪利亚被提名为他的继任者,但他很快就陷入了自己与由阿古斯丁·阿斯纳尔桑乔·达维拉·伊·费尔南德斯·德塞利斯领导的正统主义者之间的权力斗争的中心。[53] 赫迪利亚支持社会改革的立场赢得了德国大使威廉·福佩尔将军的支持,尽管赫迪利亚本人并未直接参与,但他的追随者在1937年4月16日在萨拉曼卡采取行动,试图从右翼领袖桑乔·达维拉手中夺取长枪党总部的控制权。[54]

在此事件之后,赫迪利亚在两天后获得了对长枪党的领导权。然而他的胜利是短暂的,佛朗哥通过立即宣布成立“西班牙国家工团主义进攻委员会方阵”来制衡他的权力,这是他所有追随者,包括赫迪利亚的追随者的大型政党。[55] 赫迪利亚的密友何塞·萨因斯·诺斯纳格尔向长枪党领导人发送电报,告诉他们忽略所有除通过“正确的层级渠道”发布的命令,这进一步加剧了形势。虽然该电报对于何谓“正确渠道”含糊其辞,但佛朗哥及其支持者将其视为要求成员仅服从赫迪利亚个人命令的警告[56] 然而,他高估了自己的力量,于4月25日被逮捕,并在次月因叛国罪被判处死刑。然而,在拉蒙·塞拉诺·苏涅的建议下,判决被改为终身监禁,最终赫迪利亚只服刑四年。[57] 考虑到需要保持长枪党人的支持,佛朗哥任命另一位“老衬衫”雷蒙多·费尔南德斯-库埃斯塔为运动的领袖。[58]


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